Temperance

TEMPERANCE. The word "temperance," which strictly means moderation, has acquired a particular meaning in connexion with intoxicating liquor, and it is here used in that limited sense. The "temperance question" is the equivalent in English of l'alcoolisme and Alkoholismus in French and Germanspeaking countries respectively; it embraces all the problems that arise in connexion with the use or abuse of alcoholic drink. This usage has arisen from the practice of societies formed for the purpose of suppressing or reducing the consumption of such liquors, and calling themselves Temperance Societies. Their activity is often spoken of as the Temperance Movement, though that term properly covers very much wider ground.

Table of contents

1 Historical 2 Temperance Organization 3 Present State of the Movement 4 Crime 5 Poverty 6 Insanity 7 Mortality 8 Heredity 9 Authorities

Historical

Ever since man in some distant age first discovered that process of fermentation by which sugar is converted into alcohol and carbonic acid, and experienced the intoxicating effects of the liquor so produced, there has been, in a sense, a temperance question. The records of the ancient Oriental civilizations contain many references to it, and from very remote times efforts were made by priests, sages or law-givers in India, Persia, China, Palestine, Egypt, Greece and Carthage to combat the vice of drunkenness. But the evil appears never to have been so great or the object of so much attention in the ancient world as in Western countries and our own era. Two circumstances mainly differentiate the modern problem; one is the use of distilled waters or spirits as a beverage, and the other the climatic conditions prevailing in the more northern latitudes which are the home of Western civilization. The intoxicating drinks used by the ancients were wines obtained from grapes or other fruits and beers from various kinds of grain. These products were not confined to the East, but were known to the ancient civilizations of Mexico and Peru and even to primitive peoples who used the sugar-containing juices and other substances indigenous in their country. In the time of the Romans the barbarians in the north of Europe used fermented liquors made from honey (mead), barley (beer) and apples (cider) in place of grape-wine. All such drinks produce intoxication if taken in sufficient quantity; but their action is so much slower and less violent than that of distilled spirits that even their abuse did not give rise to any opposition that can properly be called a movement, and the distinction has repeatedly formed the basis of legislation in several countries down to this day. Extremists now place all alcohol-containing drinks under the same ban, but fermented liquors are still generally held to be comparatively innocuous; nor can any one deny that there is a difference. It is safe to say that if spirits had never been discovered the history of the question would have been entirely different. The distillation of essences from various substances seems to have been known to the ancients and to have been carried on by the Arabians in the dark ages; but potable spirits were not known until the 13th century. The distilled essence of wine or aqua vitae (brandy) is mentioned then as a new discovery by Arnoldus de Villa Nova, a chemist and physician, who regarded it, from the chemical or medical point of view, as a divine product. It probably came into use very gradually, but once the art of distillation had been mastered it was extended to other alcoholic substances in countries where wine was not grown. Malt, from which beer had been made from time immemorial, was naturally used for the ' Hence 'it used to be called "water-work"; see Shakespeare. Hen. IV., part ii. act ii. sc. t.

purpose, and then gin or Geneva spirits and whisky or usquebagh (Irish for "water of life") were added to grape brandy; then came corn brandy in the north and east of Europe, rum from sugar canes in the Indies, potato spirit, and eventually, as the process was perfected, rectified ethyl alcohol from almost anything containing sugar or starch.

The concentrated form of alcohol, thus evolved, for t long time carried with it the prestige of a divine essence from the middle ages when chemistry was a mysterious art allied to all sorts of superstitions. It had potent properties and was held to possess great virtue. This view is embodied in the name "water of life," and was at one time universally held; traces of it still linger among the very ignorant. Ardent spirit seemed particularly desirable to the habitants of the cold and damp regions of northern Europe, where the people took to it with avidity and imbibed it without restraint when it became cheap and accessible. That happened in England, as related in the article on Liquor Laws, in the early part of the 18th century; and out of the frightful results which followed there eventually arose the modern Temperance Movement. The legislature had been busy with the liquor traffic for more than two centuries previously, but its task had been the repression of disorder; the thing was a nuisance and had to be checked in the interests of public order. It is significant that though drunkenness had been prevalent from the earliest times, the disorder which forced legislative control did not make its appearance until after the introduction of spirits; but they were not cheap enough to be generally accessible until the home manufacture of gin was encouraged towards the end of the 17th century, and consequently their use did not cause visible demoralization on a large scale until then. When, however, the spirit bars in London put up signboards, as related by Smollett, inviting people to be "drunk for one penny" and "dead drunk for 2d.," with "straw for nothing" on which to sleep off the effects, the full significance of unlimited indulgence in spirits became visible. Speaking in the House of Lords in 1743 Lord Lonsdale said: "In every part of this great metropolis whoever shall pass along the streets will find wretchedness stretched upon the pavement, insensible and motionless, and only removed by the charity of passengers from the danger of being crushed by carriages or trampled by horses or strangled with filth in the common sewers.

. These liquors not only infatuate the mind but poison the body; they not only fill our streets with madness and our prisons with criminals, but our hospitals with cripples.... Those women who riot in this poisonous debauchery are quickly disabled from bearing children, or produce children diseased from their birth." The latter part of this quotation is particularly interesting because it proves the participation of women in public drunkenness at this period and shows that the physical ruin caused by excess and its national consequences were then for the first time recognized. It was the first step towards the inauguration of the Temperance Movement in the sense of a spontaneous and conscious effort on the part of the community as distinguished from the action of authority responsible for public decency. The need was only realized by degrees. Intemperance was one of many questions which we can now see were struggling into existence during the latter half of the 18th century, to become the subject matter of "social reform" in the 19th. Like the majority of them it was a question of bodily welfare, of health. A breach had been made in the unthinking traditional. belief in the virtue of alcoholic liquor by the experiences referred to; and medical thought, as soon as it began to busy itself with health as distinguished from the treatment of disease, took the matter up. In 1804 Dr Trotter of Edinburgh published a book on the subject, which was an expansion of his academic thesis written in 1788; Dr Benjamin Rush of Philadelphia, a distinguished American physician and politician, who had studied in Edinburgh and London, wrote a striking paper on the same subject in the same year; and very soon after this the organized Temperance Movement was set on foot in the United States, where the habit of spirit-drinking had been transplanted from the British Islands.

Temperance Organization

In 1808 a temperance society was founded at Saratoga in the state of New York, and in 1813 the Massachusetts Society for the Suppression of Intemperance made its appearance. These seem to have been the earliest organizations, though the device of a pledge of abstinence had been introduced in 1800. The movement made rapid progress mainly under the influence of the Churches. In 1826 the American Society for the Promotion of Temperance was founded in Boston, and by 1833 there were 6000 local societies in several states with more than a million members. The campaign was for the most part directed against the use of spirits only, and the proposal to include all alcoholic drinks in the pledge of abstinence, though adopted by a few societies, was rejected in 1833 by the American Society, but accepted in 1836 and retained ever since.

In Europe the earliest organizations were formed in Ireland. A temperance club is said to have been started at Skibbereen in 1818, and others followed; but it was in 1829 that the organized movement began to make effectual progress with the formation of the Ulster Temperance Society. By the end of that year there were twenty-five societies in Ireland and two or three in Scotland. In 1830 the movement spread to Yorkshire and Lancashire, and supported a newspaper called the Temperance Societies' Record, according to which there were then 127 societies with 23,000 paying members and 60,000 associated abstainers. In 18 3 1 the British and Foreign Temperance Society was founded in London with the Bishop of London (Blomfield) for president and Archbishop Sumner for one of the vice-presidents. This important society, of which Queen Victoria became patron on her accession in 1837, came to an end in 1850, when the whole cause was under an eclipse. At the time it was formed temperance meant abstinence from spirits, as at first in the United States; but very soon afterwards the more drastic form of total abstinence began to be urged in the north of England and acquired the name of teetotalism from "tee-total," a local intensive for "total." It led to strife in the societies and damaged the cause, which suffered in public estimation from the intemperance of some of its advocates. The early promise of the movement was not fulfilled; it ceased to grow after a few years and then declined, both in the United Kingdom and in the United States. The most remarkable episode in the temperance campaign at this period was the mission of the Rev. Theobald Mathew of Cork, commonly known as Father Mathew, the greatest of all temperance missionaries. He travelled through Ireland in the years 18 3 8-42 and everywhere excited intense enthusiasm. People flocked to hear him and took the pledge in crowds. In 1841 the number of abstainers in Ireland was estimated to be 4,647,000, which is more than the entire population to-day. In three years the consumption of spirits fell from io,815,000 to 5,290,000 gallons. This was not all due to Father Mathew, because great depression and distress prevailed at the same time, but he unquestionably exercised an extraordinary influence. In 1843 he went to England, where he had less, though still great, success, and in 1850 to America. He died in 1856, by which time the cause had fallen into a depressed state in both countries. In the United States a flash of enthusiasm of a similar character, but on a smaller scale, known as the Washingtonian movement, had appeared about the same time. It was started in Baltimore by a knot of reformed drunkards in 1840 and was carried on by means of public meetings; many societies were formed and some half-million persons took the pledge, including many reformed drunkards. But the public grew weary of the agitation and enthusiasm died down. The decline of moral suasion and of the societies was followed by a tendency to have recourse to compulsion and to secure by legislation that abstinence from alcoholic drinks which the public would not voluntarily adopt or would not maintain when adopted. In 1845 a law prohibiting the public sale of liquor was passed in New York State but repealed in 1847; in 1851 state prohibition was adopted in Maine (see Liquor Laws). The same tendency was manifested in England by the formation in 1853 of the United Kingdom Alliance "to procure the total and immediate legislative suppression of the traffic in intoxicating liquors as beverages." Since that time the organized movement has embraced both elements, the voluntary and the compulsory, and has combined the inculcation of individual abstinence with the promotion of legislation for the reduction or suppression of the traffic. On the whole the latter has predominated, particularly in the United States, where organized agitation has for more than half a century made temperance a political question and has produced the various experiments in legislation of which an account is given in the article on Liquor LAWS. In 1869 a National Prohibition Party was formed. In Great Britain the political element has been less predominant but sufficiently pronounced to form a distinguishing feature between the early and more enthusiastic stage of temperance agitation, which after lasting some twenty years suffered a reaction, and the later one, which began between 1860 and 1870 and made way more gradually. In addition to combining the moral and the political elements the modern movement is characterized by the following features: (1) international organization, (2) organized co-operation of women, (3) juvenile temperance, (4) teaching of temperance in schools and elsewhere, (5) scientific study of alcohol and inebriety.

(1) International organization appears to have been started by the Order of Good Templars, a society of abstainers formed in 1851 at Utica in New York State. It spread over the United States and Canada, and in 1868 was introduced into Great Britain. Some years later it was extended to Scandinavia, where it is very strong. Temperance societies had previously existed in Norway from 1836 and in Sweden from 1837; these seem to be the earliest examples on the continent of Europe. The Good Templar organization has spread to several other European countries, to Australasia, India, South and West Africa and South America. There are several other international societies, and international congresses have been held, the first in 1885 at Antwerp. A World's Prohibition Conference was held in London in 1909. It was attended by about 300 delegates from temperance societies in nearly all parts of the world, and resulted in the foundation of an International Prohibition Federation, which embraces every country in Europe with three or four minor exceptions, the United States, Mexico, Argentina, the British self-governing Dominions, India, China, Japan, Palestine, Tunisia and Hawaii. The formation of this body indicates the growth of the most uncompromising form of antagonism to the liquor traffic. Its object is the total abolition of the legalized traffic throughout the world.

(2) The organization of women, which has also become international, dates from 1874, when the National Women's Christian Temperance Union was founded at Cleveland in the United States. In 1907 it had branches in every state in the Union and in about io,000 towns and villages with an aggregate membership of 350,000. It employs all means, educational and social as well as political, but it has exercised great influence in promoting that drastic legislation which characterizes the United States. It has also taken up many other questions relating to women, in addition to temperance, and has adopted the badge of a white ribbon. About the year 1883 Miss Frances Willard, who had been the moving spirit of the Union, carried the organization of women into other lands and formed the World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union, which now possesses branches in some fifty countries with a total membership of half a million. It has held several conventions in America and Europe and circulated a polyglot petition, said to be the largest on record, which has been presented to a large number of sovereigns and other heads of states. There are several other female organizations in the United Kingdom.

(3) The inclusion of children in temperance organization goes back to 1847, when a society was formed at Leeds, in Yorkshire, of juvenile abstainers who had taken the pledge; it took the name of Band of Hope. The practice spread, and in 1851 a Band of Hope Union was formed. There are now a number of such unions, for the United Kingdom, Scotland, Ireland and separate counties in England; the Bands of Hope are said to number 15,000 in all. There are also several other juvenile organizations, some of which are branches of the adult societies. By far the largest is the juvenile section of the Church of England Temperance Society, which has 485,888 members (1910). Children's societies in the United States are usually called the Loyal Temperance Legion, but there are some Bands of Hope also. On the continent of Europe juvenile organizations exist in several countries and notably in Sweden and Belgium (societes scolaires). (4) The teaching of temperance in schools, which has become a great feature of the moral propaganda, was begun by private effort in 1852, when the late Mr John Hope inaugurated a regular weekly visitation of day-schools in Edinburgh. In 1875, at the invitation of the National Temperance League, the late Sir Benjamin Richardson wrote his Temperance Lesson Book, which was adopted by many schools as a primer. In 1889 school-teaching by travelling lecturers was taken up by the United Kingdom Band of Hope Union, and the example was followed by many other societies. The Band of Hope Unions in England alone have spent over X3000 a year.for the last twenty years in itinerant lectures; object-lessons on the nature and effects of alcoholic drinks are given to children in the higher standards. The Church of England Temperance Society carries on similar work in diocesan schools, and examines the children in the subject of temperance; in 1909 it had in use 6000 lantern slides for lectures,, and set 7598 examination papers. The voluntary temperance teaching having grown continuously and become very extensive, has led to action by central education authorities. In 1906 the Board of Education in Ireland made "Hygiene and Temperance" a compulsory subject in the public schools. In 1909 the Board of Education for England issued a syllabus of temperance teaching, the adoption of which in elementary schools is optional. In Scotland also courses of teaching in hygiene and temperance are permissive and have been adopted by many local educational authorities. In the United States compulsory teaching is of much longer standing and more advanced. The question was first taken up by the Women's Christian Temperance Union (see above) in 1879; it was believed that by teaching the physiological effects of alcohol to all children the problem of intemperance would be effectually "solved," and a systematic political campaign was planned and carried out for the purpose of obtaining compulsory legislation to give effect to this idea. The campaign was successful in New York in 1884, in Pennsylvania in 1885 and subsequently in other states. Laws have now been passed in every state and territory, making anti-alcohol teaching part of the curriculum in the public schools, and tobacco is usually included. The manner of teaching has given rise to much controversy and opposition. Temperance is taught in connexion with physiology and hygiene, but the promoters of the movement insisted that prominence should be given to it and that the text-books should be adapted accordingly. Consequently a class of text-books came into use which were offensive to men of science and well-educated teachers because they contained false statements and absolute nonsense. The effect of forcing teachers to teach what they knew to be untrue was very unfortunate, and in some states the laws have undergone revision. With regard to other countries the practice varies greatly. Schoolteaching is compulsory in Canada, except in Quebec and Prince Edward Island, where it is permissive; in France since 1902; in Sweden since 1892, and in Iceland. It is recognized by authority but optional in Australia, South Africa, some provinces of India, Belgium, Finland, Denmark, Norway, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Switzerland. The movement in favour of school-teaching is continuously and generally advancing.

(5) The scientific study of the physiology and pathology of alcohol is a very large subject in itself. As has been shown above, the pioneers of the temperance movement were medical men; and though the Churches soon became the chief moving force, doctors have always exercised an influence, and in more recent times since people learnt to bow down to the name of Science there has been a marked tendency to have recourse to scientific authority for arguments and support, of which the teaching of temperance as a branch of physiology or hygiene is an illustration. At the same time the increasing interest taken in all questions relating to health has directed the attention of scientific investigators to this subject, while advancing knowledge of physiology, pathology and chemistry in general and improved means of investigation have enabled them to pursue it in various directions. Consequently a large amount of research has been devoted to alcohol and its effects both by experimentation on animals and plants and by observation of the morbid conditions set up in human beings by excessive and longcontinued indulgence in alcoholic drinks. Another field of inquiry which has been actively worked is the statistical study of drink in relation to nationality, occupation, disease, insanity, mortality, longevity, crime, pauperism and other aspects of social life. In London there is a society, consisting chiefly of medical men, for the scientific study of inebriety; it holds periodical meetings at which papers are read and discussed. But the subject is being worked at in every country, and a vast mass of information has been accumulated. An attempt will be made later on to summarize the more important results of this activity. There is no doubt that it has exercised a strong influence on public opinion and on the whole in the direction of temperance. A great change of attitude has taken place and is still going on. The ill-effects of excessive drinking, especially of distilled spirits, have long been recognized, but the tendency now is to question whether any alcohol-containing drinks are of any value at all and to deny any valid distinction between distilled and fermented liquors. Medical abstinence societies have been formed in England, Germany, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Sweden and Denmark.

Present State of the Movement

No comprehensive data are available for estimating the numerical strength of the temperance organizations or the number of abstainers at the present time; but the Alliance Year Book contains a directory of societies, which at least give some idea of the wide distribution of the movement. The following summary figures are extracted from the list; they relate to distinct organizations, exclusive of branches and sub-sections, having for their object the promotion of individual abstinence or of legislation: The United Kingdom, 62; Australasia, II; Canada, 2; South Africa, 3; India, 2; United States, to; Austria-Hungary, 8; Belgium, 2; Denmark, 5; France, 4; Germany, 12; Holland, 6; Sweden, 6; Switzerland, H. The figures are no doubt very imperfect and must not be taken in any way to represent the relative strength of temperance organizations in the several countries. The list for the United Kingdom is much more complete than for the other countries. The Alliance Year Book indeed gives the names of 130 organizations in the United Kingdom connected in some way with temperance work; but these include local branches, juvenile sections, insurance companies, orphanages and so on. An attempt has been made to pick out the temperance societies as ordinarily understood; but some of those included are merely committees for promoting particular pieces of legislation, and on the other hand bodies like the Salvation Army and the Church Army, which do a great deal of temperance work but are not primarily and principally engaged in it, have been omitted. Altogether the subject is full of confusion and not susceptible of exact statement. The number of societies is no guide to the number of individuals, for many persons belong to several organizations. There can be little doubt that the organized movement is numerically strongest in the United States and next strongest in the United Kingdom, but no reliable estimates can be made.

Countries.	Wine in Gallons.
	1891	1892	1893	1894	1895	1896	1897	1898	1899	1900	1901	1902	1903	1904	1905
United Kingdom. .	0.39	0.38	0.37	0.35	0.37	0.40	0 39	0 1 4	0 1 4	0 8 3	0.37 37	0 6 3	0 33	0.2 8	0.2 7
Russia... .	..	..	..
Norway..		..
Sweden..		..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..		..	..
Denmark... .	..	..
Germany .	0.57	I. 01	1.89	1 43	1.06	2.29	1 '34	0.77	1.03	1 45	1.14	1.14	I. 61	1.74	1.61
France	23.0	21.0	31.0	24.0	18.0	29.0	22.0	22.0	31.0	40.0	34.0	24.0	22.0	40.0	33.9
Belgium. ... .	0.90	0.84	0.75	0.86	0.90	1.03	0.86	0.88	0.90	1.01	1.03	1 01	I 08	0.95	1.03
Holland	0.44	0.44	0.44	0.42	0.42	0.42	0.40	0.40	0.40	0.37	0.37	0.37	0.35	0.35	0.40
Switzerland. .. .		..	..	16.0	14.0	17.0	15.0	14.0	14.0	21.0	15.0	15.0	14.3	9'5
Italy	26.0	23.0	21.0	17.0	16.0	19.0	18.0	21 0	20.0	22.0	29.0	27.0	24.6	26.2	18.5
Austria	2.2	2.4	3.5	3.1	3'3	2 '9	2.6	3.3	3.3	4.0	4.0	4.0	3'5	4.0	4.2
United States. .	0.36	0.40	0.27	0.25	0.22	0.44	0.23	0.30	0.32	0.31	0.52	0.40	0.44	0 '35
Canada	O. II	0.10	0.10	0.09	0.09	0.09	0.09	0.08	0.09	0.09	0.09	0.09	0.09	0.10	0.10
Australia	I 09	1 01	0.95	1.14	I 26	I.42	1.21	I 00	0.74	I 22	1.38		1.48	1 24	I.27
New Zealand.. .	0.17	0.17	0.17	0.14	0.13	0.14	0.15	0.15	0.15	0.15	0.16	0.16	0.15	0.14	0.13
Beer in Gallons.
United Kingdom .	30.2	29.8	29.6	29.5	29.6	30.8	31.3	31 8	32.6	3P6	30.8	30.3	29.7	28.8	27'7
Russia. ... .	0.70	0.70	0.62	0.67	0'84	0.92	0.94	0.89	0.97	0.94	0.92	0.89	1 05	I 03	..
Norway.. .	4.8	4.5	4.6	4.4	3.9	3' 6	3.9	4.8	1	5.0	4'4	3.9	3 I	2.9	3.0
Sweden. ... .	6.8	6.8	7.0	7.3	7' 8	9.3	9.9	11.0	12.8	12.4	13.3	12.5	12.9	II 6
Denmark. .. .	..	17.9	18.5	19.1	19.1	20.2	20.8	20.8	22.0	21.7	21 I	20.8	20.2	20.5	20.5
Germany. .. .	23.2	23.7	23'9	23.5	25.5	25'5	27'1	27.3	27'5	27'5	27'3	25'5	25.7	25.7	26'3
France. ... .	4.8	5'3	5'3	4' 8	5.1	5'3	5.3	5.5	5'7	5'9	8. i	8.1	7.7	8 I	7.5
Belgium. ... .	39' 2	39' 8	4 0.0	4 0.3	'4 2.2	43' 6	44.4	45.5	4 6.9	48'2	48'2	47.1	47'7	48.2	48.8
Holland.. .
Switzerland. .. .	Io 6	.	II 4	11.2	12.5	1 3.9	1 4.7	15.4	1 5.4	14.7	1 3.4	1 3' 6	14.3	14.3
Italy. .. .. .	0.18	0.13	0.12	0.10	0 II	0.10	0 II	0.12	0.13	0.14	0.15	0.16	0.17	0.20	0.22
Austria. ... .	7.5	8.4	8.8	9.0	9' 2	9.9	9.9	9.9	9.9	9.9	9.9	9.5	9.2	9.5	9.0
United States.. .	12.6	13.5	12.8	12.6	13.2	12.4	13.3	12.7	13.3	13.5	14.6	15.0	15.2	15.4	16.8
Canada	3'8	3'6	3.5	3.5	3.4	3.6	3.5	3.9	4.1	4.4	4.7	5' 1	4.8	5' 0	5.4
Australia	11.7	Io 6	9 I	9 o	IO.2	II 0	II. 4	.	II 8	12.6	12.4	12.4	II. 8	11 3	11.3
New Zealand.. .	7.8	7.6	7.7	7.4	7'4	7.9	8.2	8.4	8.6	9.1	9'4	9.2	9'5	9'5	9'2
Spirits in Gallons.
United Kingdom .	1.03	1.03	0.98	0.97	1.00	1.02	I 03	1.04	1.09	I	1.09	1.05	0.99	0'95	0.91
Russia	o 89	0.89	0'89	0.95	0.92	0.89	O.92	0.92	1.00	0.97	0.92	0.92		0.95
Norway	0.70	0.62	0.68	0.73	0.66	0.44	0.42	0.48	0.62	0.64	0.64	0.64	0.62	0.62	0.51
Sweden	I.28	I.30	1 30	I 34	1.34	1 '39	1 45	1.56	1.63	1.67	1.65	1 '5 2	1 43	1.34	1'36
Denmark. .. .	2.67	2'79	2.90	2.71	2.79	2.86	2.71	2.60	2.77	2.58	2.69	2.69	2'50	2'44	2.42
Germany. .. .	1.67	I 67	1.69	I 69	1.63	1 67	1.63	I 63	1.69	1.67	1.63	I. 61	I 54	1 54	1.43
France	1.68	1.74	1 65	1 54	1.55	1.59	1.6 3	I 79	1.75	1.77	1.33	1.2 4	1 35	1.50	1.37
Belgium. .. .	I 87	1.85	I 83	1.83	1 94	1.63	1 72	1 63	1 63	1.80	1.89	I. 61	I.OI	1 14	I IO
Holland. ... .	1.72	I 72	1.69	1.69	1.65	1.65	1.61	I. 58	I.54	1.58	1.56	I 54	1.50	1.50	1.43
Switzerland.. .	I 19	I.21	I 19	1.08	I.08	I 12	I 14	I 17	I 12	I.06	0.92	0.95	0.99	I.OI
Italy	0.28	0.29	0.21	0.24	0.19	0.21	0.23	0.21	0.22	0.24	0.24	0.24	0.25	0.28	0.29
Austria	1.98	2.20	1.98	1.98	I 98	1.98	1 98	1.98	2.20	1.98	1.98	1.98	1.98	1.98	1.98
United States. .	I 24	1 27	I 12	0.95	0.84	0.85	0'93	0.98	1 04	1.09	1 13	1.22	1.23	I .21	1.26
Canada. ... .	0.74	0.71	0.76	0.76	0.69	o 65	0.75	0.56	0.69	0.71	0.76	0.80	0.83	0 '95	0.94
Australia.. .	1.13	0.97	0.68	0.75	0.73	0.82	0.78	0.79	0.83	0.89	0.97	0.84	0.79	0.87	0.96
New Zealand.. .	0.70	0.71	0.70	0.65	0.63	0.64	0.66	0.66	0.69	0.72	0.76	0.75	0'75	0.7 6	0'73

Some of the British societies call for particular notice. The two principal ones are the Church of England Temperance Society and the United Kingdom Alliance. The latter, founded in 1853, is the chief fighting political organization, having total prohibition of the liquor traffic for its object; its income is about 12,000 a year. The Church of England Temperance Society is much the largest of the British societies. It was founded in 1862 and reconstituted in 1873 on a dual basis of total abstinence and general Consumption Per Head Of' Population anti-intemperance. Its objects are (I) the promotion of habits of temperance, (2) the reformation of the intemperate; (3) the removal of the causes which lead to intemperance. Thus it embraces both the moral and the legislative spheres, but the former takes first place; and this was emphasized in 1909 by the inauguration of a "forward movement" in spiritual activity. On the legislative side the society supports measures of reform rather than prohibition, and particularly reduction of licences and popular control of the traffic. Its activity is many-sided; it carries on an extensive publication department and educational courses, police court and prison gate missions, missions to seamen, travelling vans, and inebriate homes, of which there are 4 for women and 1 for men. It works locally through 36 diocesan branches, of which the aggregate expenditure in 1909 was £41,353, exclusive of the central office. It has Church temperance societies in Scotland and Ireland affiliated to it, as are the missions to seamen, and it has given birth to a temperance mission for railway workers and a Church benefit society. Its comparative moderation contrasts strongly with the extreme views of many temperance bodies. One of its departments is a semi-teetotal association, which was founded separately in 1903, but came under the society in 1904; the members pledge themselves to abstain from alcoholic liquor between meals. This department, which revives an old form of pledge, has been very successful; it is found that members frequently go on to take the full pledge. The total membership of the Church of England Temperance Society in 1909 was 636,233, thus distributed :-General section, 35,901; total abstainers, 114,444; juvenile members, 485,888. The enormous number of juvenile members is significant. The numerical strength of the temperance societies in general, which is often greatly exaggerated, seems to be largely made up by the juvenile contingents, so far as information is available. Other noteworthy British societies are the Royal Army Temperance Association and the Royal Naval Temperance Society. The special liability of soldiers and sailors to intemperance makes the work of these bodies particularly valuable, and it is strongly supported by the king and many officers of the greatest distinction. Very striking results have been obtained in the army. Twenty-five per cent of the Home Forces and 42 per cent. of the Indian army belong to the association; and the movement is growing. In the navy 25,000 men have joined the Temperance Society.

Like other propagandist causes of the day the temperance movement is supported by an enormous output of literature, including books, pamphlets, leaflets and periodicals. The Alliance Year Book gives a list of the latter. It names over 40 in the United Kingdom; the great majority are penny monthly magazines, but three societies conduct weekly journals-namely, the Church of England Temperance Society (Temperance Chronicle), United Kingdom Alliance (Alliance News) and the International Order of Good Templars (Good Templars' Watchword). Several Nonconformist churches have weekly papers in which temperance work is specially noted, as in the War Cry, the journal of the Salvation Army. For other countries the number of journals is given as follows :-Australasia, io (one weekly); Canada, 7 (3 weekly); India, 5; South Africa, 2; U.S.A. 15 (2 weekly); Austria, 2; Belgium, 2; Denmark, I; France, 2; Germany, 8; Holland, 2; Italy, I; Norway, 2; Russia, I; Sweden, 7; Switzerland, 3. The list is no doubt imperfect. In the United States newspapers of all kinds are many times more numerous than in the United Kingdom, and the American Prohibition Year Book names 21 "leading" prohibition papers, of which 16 are weekly and i daily. There are probably hundreds of temperance journals in the United States.

Effect of the Temperance Movement.-The organized agitation against the abuse and even the use of alcoholic liquors thus briefly described is a very interesting feature of social life in the present state of civilization; but when a serious attempt is made to ascertain its results the inquiry is found to be beset with difficulty. It has no doubt been largely instrumental in procuring the varied mass of legislation described in the article on Liquor Laws, particularly in the United States, the United Kingdom and Scandinavia; and these laws are in a sense results. Ardent advocates of legislation, who are always apt to substitute the means for the end, point to them with satisfaction. Those who demand prohibition regard its adoption by this or that community as an end in itself and a proof of "progress"; more moderate reformers view the reduction of public-houses in the same light. Facts of this kind can be stated with precision, but they go a very little way. The real point is not the law or the number of houses, but the habits of the people, and what we want to know is the effect on them of legislation, of organization, moral persuasion and the other influences that go to make up the Temperance Movement. To this question no clear or general answer can be given. There is a good deal of information about the United Kingdom, where the subject has been much more fully studied than anywhere else, and about Norway and Sweden, but for other countries valid data are lacking to show whether intemperance has increased or diminished. The fullest statistical evidence available relates to the consumption of drink.

Consumption of Drink. International Statistics.-In 1906 a return was published by the British Board of Trade giving the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages in different countries for the years 1891-1905. The table on p. 581 is compiled from it. Information is also given in the returns for Spain, Portugal, the Balkan States and South Africa, but it is very imperfect and has therefore been omitted.

The only considerable movement during the 15 years covered by the table is a marked increase in the consumption of beer. It has occurred in some measure in the following countries :- Russia, Sweden, Denmark, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand. The rise is notably large in Sweden, France, Switzerland, United States and Canada; and the upward movement has been particularly steady since 1898 in the United States, Canada and New Zealand. Exceptions are the United Kingdom and Norway, in both of which the consumption has fallen largely and steadily since 1899. In Germany it has also fallen somewhat since 1900, but not so steadily, and over the whole period it has risen in that country. It is impossible to connect these various movements either with legislation or with temperance organization. If the fall in Norway is ascribed to them, it must be pointed out that they are much more directed against spirits than against beer in that country, and the consumption of spirits shows no such movement, having risen since 1897. No one who has studied the subject in the different countries affected can doubt that the general rise is due to the introduction and growing popularity of the light beers originally brewed in Germany and Austria, and commonly called "lager." This is notably the case in France, Belgium, Sweden and North America. It is an instance of the force of popular taste. The increase in beer has not been accompanied by a corresponding reduction of other alcoholic liquor. Wine might be left out of account in this connexion. It is largely consumed only in countries where it is extensively grown, namely, in France, Italy and Switzerland, out of the countries enumerated. The consumption is very irregular and dependent mainly on the abundance of the crop. But the tendency of wine has also been to rise; it has risen in France, Belgium, Italy, Austria, the United States and Australia. With regard to spirits, the only general movement is that consumption has fallen in most European countries since 1900. But this does not appear to be compensatory to the rise of beer, which extends over the whole period and went on when spirits were rising too. Exceptions to the downward movement of spirits since 1900 are offered by the United States and Canada, and to a less extent by Russia, Italy and Norway. The only country in which all classes of drink have steadily fallen is the United Kingdom; this singular fact will be discussed presently, but its peculiarity should be noted here in connexion with other countries.

Attempts have been made to express the total consumption of each country in terms of alcohol by allowing a certain percentage of spirit for wine and beer and reducing all three to a common denominator. The calculation yields a simple and uniform measure of comparison and permits the classification of the countries in the order of their alcoholic consumption; but it must be regarded as a somewhat arbitrary estimate, because the strength of both wine and beer varies considerably. The Brewers' Almanack gives the following table based on the returns quoted above: Consumption of Alcohol at Proof Strength in Gallons. Annual Average per Head, 1901-5.

	Wine.	Beer.	Spirits.	Total.
France	7.70	0.63	1.36	9.69
Italy. .. ... .	6.2	..	0.26	6.53
Belgium	0.25	3'84	1.35	5'44
Switzerland	3'35	I I I	0.96	5'42
Spain	4 6	..	..	4 62
Portugal	4'27			4.27
Austria	0.97	I.23	2.06	4 26
Germany	0.36	2.08	1.75	4'19
Denmark		1.64	2.54	4'18
United Kingdom.. .	0.08	2.35	0'99	3'42
Hungary	0 97	0.12	1.89	2'98
United States.. .	0 II	I.23	I.21	2'55
Sweden .	..	I 00	I.46	2.46
Australia	0.32	0.94	o 88	2.14
Holland	0.0		I 1 50	1.59
New Zealand... .	..	o 74	0.69	I .43
Canada. .... .	..	0.40	0.85	1.25
Russia.. .. .	..	..	0.95	0.95
Cape		0.12	0.75	0.87
Norway. ... .	..	0.25	0.60	o 85
Natal. .. .	..	0.05	0.37	0.42
Newfoundland. .. .	..	0.02	0.34	0.36

Apart from the gaps in the information, which speak for themselves, allowance must be made for other defects. In no case is the nominal consumption per head a valid index to the relative temperateness of different peoples unless other conditions are fairly equal. The distribution of the drinking has to be taken into account, and this is conditioned by the age and sex constitution of the population and by the habits of the people. A country in which every person except infants takes a minute quantity of drink at every meal every day will have a far larger consumption per head and yet may be far more temperate than one in which a large proportion of the population takes none at all and the drinking is concentrated in regard to both time and person. The Portuguese and Spaniards, for instance, are more temperate than any of the nations below them on the list; drunkenness is never seen in Portugal and in the south of Spain (the bishop of Birmingham has publicly borne testimony to the sobriety even of such a large seaport as Barcelona). The aggregate consumption is brought up to a comparatively high level by the national practice of drinking a little wine freely diluted with water, a beverage which contains less alcohol than many "temperance" drinks. In like manner the French and Italians, whose high place is due to wine, are more sober than most of the nations ranged below them. The writer has made extensive inquiries on this head in France. There is drunkenness, to which Zola's l'Assommoir bears testimony, but outside Paris and the seaports it is rare. Employers of labour in all the principal industrial centres, including the mining districts of the north, agree on this point. The very high position of Belgium is mainly due to a prodigious consumption of beer, which is explained by the general practice of giving it to children. On the other hand, drunkenness is exceedingly prevalent in Russia, which is near the bottom of the list, and is due to the consumption of vodka. The comparatively small amount per head put down in the returns may, if it is correct, be explained by the very large proportion of children in the population. The opposite condition is illustrated by Western Australia, which has a consumption per head nearly thrice that of any other Australian province. These instances will show the conditions that must be taken into account in making international comparisons and the fallacy of measuring national sobriety by consumption per head.

Consumption in United Kingdom.-Statistics of consumption for a longer period of time than that covered by the table given above are available for the United Kingdom, the United States and Scandinavia, and they are of particular interest because these are the countries in which the Temperance Movement has been most active and productive of most legislation. The United Kingdom is distinguished by being the only country in the list which shows a distinct fall in the consumption of all three kinds of liquor since 1899. To estimate the significance of this interesting fact it must be placed in historical perspective. The following table, compiled from the official returns, gives the annual average consumption per head in decennial periods from 1831 to 1890, and subsequently for each year to 1909. No continuous record of beer was kept until after 1856.

Year.	Wine.	Beer.	Spirits.
1831-40	0.2	..	I I I
1841-50	o 2	..	0.94
1851-60. ... .	0.23	23.5	1 01
1861-70	0.42	27.5	0.94
1871-80	0.51	31 5	1.17
1881-90	0.38	27.7	0.99
1891	0.39	30 I	1.03
1892	0.38	29.7	1 03
1893	0.36	29.5	0.98
1894	0.35	29.4	0.96
1895	0.37	29.6	I 00
1896	0.40	30.8	1.02
1897	0.40	31.4	1.03
1898	0.41	31.9	I.04
1899	0.41	32.7	1.08
1900	0.42	32.2	1.18
1901	0.36	31.4	1.10
1902. .. ... .	0.35	30.6	I.01
1903	0.37	30.2	1 03
1904. .. ... .	0.31	29.5	0.99
1905	0.27	28.4	0.93
1906. .. ... .	0.27	27.9	0.91
1907. .. ... .	0.28	27.8	0.91
1908. .. ... .	0.27	27.6	0.90
1909. ... .	0.25	26.4	0.87

Year.	Total Expenditure.	Expendi- ture per head.	Year.	Total Expenditure	Expendi- ture per head.
	£	£ s. d.		£	£ s. d.
1884	144,734,214	4 1 04	18 97	1 74,3 6 5,37 2	4 7 61
1885	141,039,141	3 18 34	1898	1 7 6 ,9 6 7,349	4 8 04
1886	1 4 0 ,55 0, 126	31744	18 99	18 5,9 2 7, 22 7	4 II 8
1887	142,784,438	3 18 04	1900	'184 881,196	4 10 44
1888	142,426,153	3 17 21	1901	181,788,245	4 7 84
1899	1 5 1, 06 4, 0 35	4 I 34	1902	1 79,499, 81 7	4 5 61
1890	1 59,54 2 ,7 00	4 5 12	1903	1 74,445, 2 7 1	4 2 4
1891	161,765,291	4 5 74	1904	168,987,165	3 18 III
1892	161 ,5 2 7,7 1 7	4 4 94	1905	16 4, 16 7,94 1	3151 I
18 93	159,020,709	4 2 84	1906	166,425,911	3 16 3
18 94	1 5 8 ,93 2, 1 34	4 I III-	1907	167,016,200	3159
1895	16 3, 1 33,935	4 3 42	1908	161,060,482	3 12 31
1896	1 7 0 ,4 26 ,4 6 7	4 6 42	1909	1 55, 162 ,4 8 5	3 8 III

United Kingdom: Average Annual Consumption per head in Gallons. It will be observed that the consumption has oscillated up and down during the whole period of 79 years. More spirits were drunk in 1831-40 than in the three following decades, and more wine than in the two following decades. The decennial period of greatest consumption was 1871-80; and the highest points reached were: wine, 0.56 gal. in 1876; beer, 34.0 gals. in 1874; spirits, 1.29 gals. in 1875. Since then the consumption has always been lower, though with fluctuations. The up and down movement is always associated with the state of trade, and the connexion is well marked in the last ten years. The progressive fall is striking, particularly in regard to beer, which is the staple drink of the people; but the period is too short to warrant the inference that it represents a permanent movement which will continue. The fluctuations shown by the decennial table given above suggest the probability of a subsequent rise with a revival of trade. Chronic depression and unemployment have prevailed in many industries since 1900, and these conditions always cause a diminished consumption. Nevertheless they do not fully account for the movement here shown, because the fall in consumption has been progressive, whereas the state of trade has fluctuated considerably; the curves do not coincide. Some other factor has been at work, and there is reason to think that it is a gradual change in the habits of the people. The facts of consumption agree with much other evidence in pointing to this conclusion. The expenditure in drink is not so high as it used to be in the past, whether 'periods of prosperity or adversity are taken. The calculation of annual expenditure prepared for the United Kingdom Alliance, and commonly called the National Drink Bill, points to that conclusion. It is based on an arbitrary estimate of the cost of drink to the consumer and must not be taken to represent established facts; but it has some comparative value. The following table gives this calculation for the last 26 years: National Drink Bill, United Kingdom. The table begins and ends in two periods of marked depression, with one of marked prosperity in between; but it is to be noted that in the earlier term of depression, although it was very acute, the expenditure never sank so low as in the later one. During the four lowest years (1885-88) the mean expenditure was nearly 4s. a head more than in the five lowest years (1905-9). At the other end of the scale the high-water mark in the table, which is the year 1899, shows an expenditure of £4, us. 8d.; but the previous highwater mark comparable with it, namely 1876, showed an expenditure of £5, Is. 9d., when calculated on the same basis. The figures, therefore, rather confirm than contradict the general belief that the people have grown more temperate during the last 30 or 40 years. With regard to the expression "national drink bill," which tacitly suggests so much money thrown away on drink, it must be remembered that a large proportion is devoted to public purposes and would have to be found in some other way. In the year ending March 1909 the trade paid a direct contribution of £37,404,575 to the national exchequer in excise and customs duties, in addition to income-tax and local taxation; all this comes back to the public pocket. Then it also maintains directly and indirectly a population reckoned at 2,000,000. The net amount spent on drink which might have been saved and spent on other things is not more than a third of the total sum.

The United States.-The movement in the United States has been totally different. The figures below are taken from the statistical abstract of the U.S. government as quoted in the American Prohibition Year Book. The figures, it may be noticed, differ widely throughout from those given for the same years in the Board of Trade returns of international consumption quoted on p. 581. The discrepancy is too great and too constant to admit of any explanation, but that the two sets of returns are calculated from different bases. It illustrates the defects of these statistics and the need of caution in using them. The American figures show a far larger consumption in the United States than the English.

Year ending June 30.	Spirits.	Vine.	Malt.	Total.
1840. .. .	2.52	0.29	I.36	4.17
1850. .. .	2.23	0.27	I.58	4.08
1860.. .	2.86	0.35	3.22	6.43
1 870. .. .	2.07	0.32	5.31	7.70
1880. .. .	I.27	o 56	8.26	10.08
1882 .	I. 40	0.49	10.03	11.92
1884.. .	1.48	0.37	10.74	1 2.60
1886. .. .	1.28	0.45	I I. 20	12.92
1888. .. .	I.26	0.51	12.80	14.67
1 890. .. .	1 40	0.46	13.66	15.53
1892. .. .	1.49	0.43	15.17	17.10
1894. .. .	P34	0.32	15.32	16.96
1896. .. .	I .oI	0.27	15.84	17.12
1898. .. .	1.12	0.28	15.96	17.36
1900. .. .	P28	0.39	16.01	17.68
1901. .. .	1.33	0.37	16.20	17.90
1902. .. .	1 36	0.63	17.49	19.48
1903. .. .	P46	0.48	18.04	19.98
1904. .. .	1.48	0.53	18.28	20.35
1905. .. .	P45	0.42	18.50	20.38
1906. .. .	P52	0.55	20.19	22.26
1907. .. .	1.63	o 67	2 124	23.53
1908. .. .	I.44	0.60	20.98	23.02
1909. .. .	1.3	..	19.79	..

The most noticeable fact here shown is the continuous and large increase in the consumption of beer. Every year shows a rise down to 1908, when for the first time in 70 years a fall was recorded. It was continued in 1909, and being accompanied by a fall in spirits and wine also is no doubt mainly attributable to the financial state of the country. Down to 1880 beer was to a considerable extent taking the place of spirits, the consumption of which had previously been very high; but after that the steady increase in beer was not accompanied by a reverse movement in spirits; and from 1896 to 1907 all three kinds of liquor rose together, though not with equal steadiness. The rising consumption of beer has been accompanied by an enormous increase in home production, the capital invested in breweries having risen from 4 million dollars in 1850 to 515 million dollars in 1905. The consumption of spirits is at a much higher level than in the United Kingdom, and two considerations add greatly to the significance of the fact-one is that drinking takes place more between meals and less at them, and the other that it is more confined to men. Women, other than prostitutes, Consumption per head Gallons, United States. do not frequent the bar as they do in the United Kingdom, and children not at all. The expenditure in drink, so far as it can be calculated, has fluctuated somewhat, but shows a general tendency to rise. The following table has been prepared by Mr G. B. Waldron, an American statistician. It is taken from the Prohibition Year Book, with the American currency converted into English on the basis of 4s. to the dollar, omitting fractions of a penny, for purposes of comparison with the British statistics given above.

Year.	Total Expenditure.	Expendi- ture per head.			Year.	Total Expenditure.	Expendi- ture per head.
	£	£	s.	d.		£	£	s.	d.
18 7 8	9 0, 6 55,754	1	18	1	1898	208,312,573	2	17	I
1888	16 3, 61 7,545	2	1 4	7	1899	21 4, 1 37,995	2,	17	8
1889	168,176,169	2	14	I I	1900	2 34,445,3 22	3	I	5
1890	180,529,173	2	17	8	1901	243,999,598	3	2	10
1891	1 95,9 16 ,5 60	3	I	4	1902	269,556,728	3	8	3
1892	202,978,872	3	2	4	1903	282,122,043	3	10	2
1893	215,896,634	3	5	I	1904	2 9 2 ,735,7 06	3	II	7
1894	20 4,9 2 4, 2 9 8	3	0	7	1905	2 93, 180 ,33 2	3	10	6
1895	194,189,466	2	16	4	1906	321,604,383	3	16	4
1896	1 9 2 ,4 18 ,995	2	1 4	9	1907	35 1 ,4 61 ,57 0	4	I	II
1897	198,640,711	2	15	6	1908	335, 16 7, 6 39	3	16	II

Annual Drink Bill, United States. Comparison with the British table shows at a glance an opposite movement in the two countries. While expenditure has steadily fallen in the United Kingdom since 1899, it has as steadily risen in the United States; and whereas in 1888 the expenditure in the former was 41 per cent. higher than in the latter, the two had drawn equal in 1906 and since then have changed places. Moreover the different system of taxation brings back a much larger proportion of the whole expenditure into the exchequer in the United Kingdom (see Liquor LAws). The comparison is of much interest in view of the very different laws and regulations under which the trade is conducted in the two countries. It may be objected that the statistics are merely estimates, but both sets are put forward by the advocates of prohibition and are of equal authority, so that they hold good for comparison.

Norway and Sweden.-The statistics for these countries are imperfect, because there is no record of wine, and in recent years the use of spirits has been supplemented or replaced to a considerable extent by artificial wines heavily loaded with spirits. But, as they stand, the statistics derive special interest from the peculiar conditions under which the traffic is conducted. The Scandinavian company system was started in Sweden in 1865 and in Norway in 1871 (see Liquor Laws).

Year.	Branvin.	Beer,
1851-60. .	5.9	..
1861-70.. .	4.6	.
1871-80.. .	5.2	18.2
1881-90.. .	3.2	16.0
189	3.7	2P 7
189	3.2	20.6
189	3.5	20.8
189	3.8	19.8
189	3.5	17.7
189	2.3	16.2
189	2.2	17.8
1898... 189	2.6	2P6
189	3.3	23'2
190	3.4	22.7
190	3.4	20.0
190	3.4	17.8
190	3.2	14.1
190	3.3	13.1
190	2.7	13.7

Year.	Brdnvin.	Beer,
18 5 6 - 60.. .	9.5	..
1861-70.. .	9.7	10 9
1871-80.. .	10.9	16.I
1881-90.. .	7.5	21.9
189	6.4	30'9
189	6.5	30.8
189	6.7	3P6
189	6.9	33.o
18 9	6.9	35'5
189	7.2	42.4
18 9	7.5	45.0
189	8 o	50.0
189	8.3	58.1
1 9 0	8.5	56.4
190	8.4	60.4
190	7.8	56.6
190	7'4	58.7
190	6.9	5z 8
190	7.0	. .

Consumption per head in Litres, Norway. Consumption per head in Litres, Sweden. The difference between these contiguous countries is remarkable. The consumption of spirits has always been much higher in Sweden than in Norway. In the old days before any legislation the estimated consumption was in Sweden 46 litres (1829) and in Norway 16 litres (1833) a head. In recent years, under the company system, the figures for both countries are vastly less, but the Swedish consumption has hardly ever been less than double the Norwegian and sometimes three times as great. This difference, observed over a long period before regulation and after, points to different conditions and national habits; but such constant differentiating factors hardly explain the strikingly dissimilar movements shown by the tables. Both countries are obviously affected by the state of trade. The high-water mark of spirit-drinking in modern times for both was the same period, 1874-76, as noted above for the United Kingdom; Sweden then averaged 12.4 litres a head and Norway 6.6. Both show also the influence of the 1900 boom in trade and the subsequent decline. But in Sweden the increase of beer-drinking, which in 1871-80 was less than in Norway, has been enormous. If the two drinks are put together it cannot be said that the consumption in Sweden was appreciably less in1896-1905than in 1871-80, whereas in Norway it was distinctly less. This may in part be explained by the substitution of the made wine, called laddevin, to which reference has already been made. The marked fall in the consumption of spirits which occurred in 1896-98 is attributed to this cause (Rowntree and Sherwell); the importation of wine rose from 2,320,300 litres in 1891-94 to 5,876,750 litres in 1898. Subsequently importation was checked by heavier duties and reduced consumption followed. In 1886-90 the quantity consumed per head in litres averaged o 88; in1896-1900it was 2.49, with a maximum of 2.75 in 1898; in 1905 it had fallen again to o 88 (Pratt).

A careful study of the foregoing statistics of consumption in the three countries-United Kingdom, United States and the Scandinavian peninsula-which have paid most attention to the problem and have for a long period applied forcible but widely different methods of control, does not permit any confident conclusion upon the comparative merits of any particular system. The United States, in whose multitudinous liquor laws prohibition plays the most prominent part, has most conspicuously failed to check consumption. Norway and Sweden, both of which combine the principle of disinterested management, though not in the same form, with a certain amount of prohibition, show markedly different results. The British licensing system has been at least as successful as any of the others. The most probable conclusion to be drawn from the facts is that the movement in each country has been mainly determined by other forces; the rise of consumption in the United States by the rapid and progressive urbanization of the people and the great increase of wealth; the diminution of consumption in the United Kingdom by a change in the habits of the people due to many causes, to which further reference is made below; while the difference between Norway and Sweden is largely due to differences of national character and habits already noted, though some influence must be attributed to the superior system and greater stringency of control in Norway. But if we go back to earlier periods there is no doubt at all that an incomparably worse state of things existed in the United Kingdom and in Scandinavia when the spirit traffic was under little control or none at all.

Intemperance.-Police statistics are the best evidence we have of the prevalence of drunkenness, which is the most visible and direct result of intemperance. Like other statistics, they must be used with due regard to the circumstances of origin and compilation. They vary according to (I) the laws relating to drunkenness; (2) the administration by police and justices; (3) the method of compiling returns. All these vary in different countries and towns and at different times, so that the statistics must not be used for minute comparisons. But properly handled they are of great value, and the discrepancies are less than might be supposed, because it is found on inquiry that the actual behaviour of the police towards drunken persons does not greatly differ. Neither exceptional zeal nor exceptional laxity lasts very long. The general practice is only to interfere with those persons whose violence causes disturbance or whose helplessness creates obstruction or annoyance. The mode of compiling returns is the most serious cause of error. Many countries have no returns, and in others they are incomplete. Those available, however, throw considerable light on the subject. The following quinquennial table shows the movement in England and Wales since the drunken period 1874-78. The important act of 1872, which increased the number of offences, vitiates comparison with the earliest returns, which are, however, given in the article On Drunkenness.

Drunkenness, England and Wales. Number of Persons proceeded against per io,000.

1874-78		81.2	1894-98	60 4
1879-83		69.7	1899-1903	. 65.5
1884-88	.	63.6	1904-08 .	. 62.4
1889-93		61.4

1900		63.4	1 905 .	. 64.2
1901		64.5	1906 .	. 61.3
1902	.	63.6	1907 .	. 60.1
1903	.	69.o	1908 .	59.3
1904		67.4	1909 .	53.2

There has been a marked improvement since 1874-78, and on the whole a progressive one, though interrupted by a moderate rise in the period of prosperity about 1900. The figures for the most recent years would be considerably lower but for the Licensing Act of 1902, which altered the police procedure and caused a sudden rise, as shown by the following table, for the last to years: When allowance is made for the act of 1902 it is seen that the movement of drunkenness corresponds broadly with that of consumption, but the decline of drunkenness is more marked; the level is lower than it used to be whether good or bad times be taken. This plainly shows a large change in the habits of the people, which is further emphasized by the fact that police procedure has become more stringent and the returns more complete. The exceptional figure for 1909 (estimated) is ascribed to the heavy increase of spirit duties in that year. The change has been accompanied by a continuous fall in the number of public-houses in proportion to population. Between 1870 and 1909 the number of "on" licences was reduced from 53.3 to 26.3 per 10,000 of the population; but the correspondence between the two movements is not exact. The number of public-houses has fallen steadily from year to year, whereas drunkenness, like consumption, has fluctuated with the state of trade. The facts, therefore, demonstrate a connexion, but hardly establish one of cause and effect. The principal causes which have brought about the general decline of drunkenness are wider and deeper. The standard of behaviour has gradually changed with education and the provision of alternative recreations in many forms, among which the chief are games, theatres, locomotion, public libraries, institutes, tea shops and eating houses. At the same time great social changes have taken effect and have tended to remove class barriers and foster the aspirations of the working classes, who have more and more adopted the standard of conduct prevalent among the more highly educated sections of society. The old drinking habits of the latter, which were notorious at the end of the 18th century, began to give way to greater sobriety early xxvi. 19 a in the 19th century; and the movement was greatly promoted, as a feature of social life, by the influence of Queen Victoria's reign. Drunkenness went "out of fashion," and the social standard has gradually permeated downwards. All this has no doubt been stimulated by temperance organization and teaching, which has constantly kept the question before the public and exercised an educational influence in spite of ridicule and abuse. The change has been very gradual, but far greater than can be shown in figures. It can be better realized by contrasting the present state of things with that described in the past, as in the evidence given before a select committee of the House of Commons in 1834, when witnesses described the scenes that regularly occurred on Sunday morning in London-the crowd round the public-houses, women with babies to which they gave gin, and people lying dead drunk in the streets. The evidence given at this inquiry and by contemporary writers reveals a condition of things to which modern times afford no parallel; and in particular it disposes of the current belief that female drunkenness is a comparatively new thing and increasing. The practice of frequenting public-houses and drinking to excess in England has been noted for centuries and repeatedly denounced. It was described at a meeting of the Middlesex magistrates in 1830, when the chairman said that of 72 cases of drunkenness brought up at Bow Street on the previous Monday the majority were women "who had been picked up in the streets where they had fallen dead drunk." At the inquiry of 1834 Mr Mark Moore gave the number of customers counted entering 14 public-houses in a week; out of a total of 269,437 there were 108,593 women and 18,391 children. Of late years the proportion of female drunkards to the whole has been perceptibly diminishing. In 1870 the proportion of females to the total number proceeded against for drunkenness was 25.9 per cent.; in 1890 it was 23.4 per cent. The percentage of convictions credited to women in the last few years is: 1905, 20.42; 1906, 20.60; 1907, 20.26; 1908, 20.13; 1909, 19.79 The foregoing observations on drunkenness apply only to England and Wales. The returns for Scotland and Ireland are less complete, but they show the movement in those parts of the kingdom. In Ireland a diminution has taken place in recent years, but in Scotland an increase.

Year.	Scotland.	Ireland.
1890.. .	36,293	100,202
1900. .	43,943	97,457
1901. .	..	88,295
1902 .	..	91,276
1903. .	36,930	85,502
1904.. .	41,852	81,775
1905.. .	43,518	79,968
1906.. .	55,408	77,262
1907. .	58,900	76,860
1908 .	55,104

Number of Charges of Drunkenness. It is worthy of note that police drunkenness is higher in Wales, Scotland and Ireland than in England. The respective number of proceedings per 10,000 in the year 1907 was: England, 59.8; Wales, 65.2; Scotland, 123.3: Ireland, 175.6. The figures for Wales are strictly comparable, those for Scotland and Ireland less so; but the coincidence is striking. The greater prevalence of spirit drinking as a national habit, particularly in Scotland and Ireland, may account in part for the discrepancy. Other points which distinguish the three countries from England are their Celtic blood and Sunday closing. No connexion can be shown between the number of licensed houses and the prevalence of drunkenness; they are fewer in Scotland than in England and Wales, but more numerous in Ireland, though there has been a diminution there since 1902, which may have something to do with the fall of drunkenness. The same lack of correspondence is shown more fully by the detailed figures for England and Wales published in the official volume of licensing statistics. Taking the county boroughs in groups according to the number of licences in proportion to the population we get the following: Licences and Drunkenness, County Boroughs, 1905.

Licences
per 10,000 .	under 20	20 to 30	30 to 40	40 to 50	over 60
Convictions per 10,000	71.05	55.89	6z.4	36.6	35.27

The corresponding figures for the counties are as follows :- Licences and Drunkenness, Counties, 1905.

County.	Li- cences per 10,000.	Convic- tions per 10,000.	County.	Li- cences per 10,000.	Convic- tions per 10,000.
Huntingdon .	91. 51	20.60	Middlesex. .	11.84	33.32
Cambridge. .	74.04	II. 18	Northumberland	19.09	133.12
Oxford.. .	63.68	9.56	Essex.. .	19.13	16.95
Brecon.. .	63.28	54.34	Glamorgan. .	20.5 6	75'34
Rutland.. .	61.79	14.14	Lancaster. .	21.43	38'45
Buckingham .	59.7 2	15.76	Durham. .	21.67	80.49
Mean.. .	69 oo	20.93	Mean.. .	18.95	62.94

Licences per 10,000 Convictions per 10,000 under 30 57.39 30 to 40 36.74 40 to 50 40.0 over 50 I 33.2 If any other year be taken similar discrepancies are shown. In 1909 the six counties with the highest and the six with the lowest number of licences exclusive of county boroughs, gave the following results: It is curious that the mean figures for these two groups at opposite ends of the scale almost exactly reverse the number of licences and convictions; but the individual discrepancies show that other factors really determine the results. The chief of these is unquestionably occupation. All the counties with the highest number of convictions are pre-eminently mining counties. Year after year Northumberland, Durham and Glamorgan occupy the same place at the head of the convictions, and other mining counties are always high up. These areas are not drunken because the public-houses are few, but vice versa; the licences are kept down because of the drunkenness. The influence of occupation and character is further revealed by a broader survey. The following table from the judicial statistics for 1894 brings out these elements very clearly Persons Proceeded Against for Drunkenness per 10,000.

Seaports .	126 07
Mining counties .	113.67
Metropolis	63.74
Manufacturing towns	47.00
Pleasure towns .	28 93
Agricultural counties-
(I) Home counties	24.50
(2) South-Western	20.94
(3) Eastern .	. 10 99

In other countries the same distribution is observed; drunkenness is most prevalent in seaports and mining districts. It is further fostered by a northerly situation, and these three factors go far to explain the condition of Scotland, as of Northumberland and Durham.

The United States.-The Census Bureau at Washington issues from time to time statistics of cities, which contain a good deal of information concerning drunkenness. The last return, published in 1910, contains details of 158 cities having a population of over 30,000 in the year 1907, to which the statistics relate. It appears from these returns that drunkenness is exceedingly prevalent in American towns. The figures are not comparable with the English ones, because they relate to arrests, which are more numerous than "proceedings" and still more than convictions. The number of women included is very considerable, but the data are too imperfect to permit the calculation of a general percentage. In New York the proportion of women arrested for drunkenness and disorder was 24.3 per cent. of the whole number. The cities are divided into four groups according to population:-(t) over 300,000, (2) 100,000 to 300,000, (3) 50,000 to 100,000, (4) 30,000 to 50,000. The average number of arrests per to,000 inhabitants in each group and in all cities together is-(I) 191.0, (2) 1 93.6, (3) 2 45.8, (4) 244.8 mean of all cities, 205.1. The comparatively small range of difference between the groups is remarkable, and indicates a general prevalence of police drunkenness. The higher figures for groups (3) and (4) are explained by the excessive number of cases in certain manufacturing, mining and Southern coloured towns of small and medium size. These figures are for drunkenness alone, so that they cannot be confused with other offences; but on examining the details of individual cities it becomes clear that the practice varies considerably in making up the returns, and that in some places nearly all the arrests of drunken persons are charged to drunkenness whereas in others a large proportion are returned under the head of disorderly conduct. In considering the relation between drunkenness and the number of licensed houses, therefore, it seems desirable to put both sets of figures, as in the following table. It will be seen that there is no correspondence between the number of licensed houses and the amount of drunkenness alone or of drunkenness and disorderly conduct together, except that the fourth group has the largest number of licences and the most disorder.

Arrests and Licences per 10,000.

Cities.	Arrests, Drunkenness.	Arrests, Disorderly Conduct.	Retail Liquor Dealers.
Group 1
Over 300,000	191 0	108.8	30.3
Group 2
100,000 to 300,000	193.6	112.8	27.7
Group 3
50,000 to 100,000	245.8	78.7	28.4
Group 4
30,000 to 50,000	244.8	121.4	31 5
Mean	205.1	106.8	29.6

There are large discrepancies between different cities, but not greater than among British towns. The following table gives the figures corresponding to the above for each of the great cities included in group 1, with the exception of San Francisco, the population of which could not be estimated: Arrests and Licences per to,000.

Cities.	A Arrests Drunkenness.	Arrests, Disorderly Conduct.	Retail Liquor Dealers.
New York. .. .	105.9	120.2	25'5
Chicago. .. .	169' 1	5.3	34'2
Philadelphia.. .	287.5	81.0	13.1
St Louis. .. .	106.3	173.7	33'5
Boston. ... .	614.9	16.9	13'5
Baltimore .	75.1	302.5	41'3
Pittsburg. .. .	331 4	236'9	15.3
Cleveland. .. .	355'2	34'9	40'4
Buffalo. ... .	318.9	153'3	38'4
Detroit. ... .	87.2	82.5	46'9
Cincinnati. .. .	82.4	66.4	44'8
Milwaukee. .. .	100.5	53.1	70.4
New Orleans.. .	239.5	220.7	50.0
Washington.. .	130.6	338.4	16.6

To a certain extent the same inverse relation appears here as in England; the places with the smallest proportion of licencesnamely, Philadelphia, Boston, Pittsburg and Washington-are conspicuous for drunkenness and disorder, while those with the largest proportion of licences-namely, Detroit, Cincinnati, Milwaukee and New Orleans-are distinguished by the lowest amount, with the exception of New Orleans, which is a special case by reason of the large coloured and Creole population. The exceptional position of Boston is obviously due to exceptional police activity and that of Chicago to the opposite. At Boston and Cleveland, it will be noticed, the police prefer the charge of drunkenness; at Baltimore the opposite. The position of Washington is explained by the very large coloured population and the strength of the police force, which is greater in the capital than elsewhere and very strict in regard to order in the streets. Philadelphia, Pittsburg and Cleveland are great manufacturing centres with a large population of foreign workmen; the vast influx of European immigrants, consisting of men disposed to drink by age, occupation, race and habits, and receiving higher wages than they have been used to, must always be borne in mind with regard to drunkenness in the United States. It is interesting to note the condition of those cities in which there is no licensed trade. There are none such in the first two groups, but 14 in the third and fourth groups. The following are the figures: Arrests for Drunkenness and Disorder per 10,000.

Group 3		Group 4
Cambridge (Mass.). .	218.5	Topeka (Kansas) .		227.1
Kansas City (Kansas) .	178.0	Malden (Mass.). .		too 8
Somerville (Mass.) .	130.5	Chelsea (Mass.).. .		336.0
Charleston (S. Carolina) Portland (Maine)	34 ?7 5	Salem (Mass.) . Newton (Mass.). .		329.o 168 I
Brockton (Mass.)	240'9	Wichita (Kansas) .		392.7
		Fitchburg (Mass.) .		161.5
		Everett (Mass.). .		99 6

The majority are prohibition cities in Massachusetts, the only state in which this measure was applied to any place of considerable size in 1907. In all of them the drunkenness is below the mean for the group and considerably below that of similar and neighbouring towns. For instance, Brockton is a boot-manufacturing town, comparable with Lynn in the same state; the respective figures are 240.9 and 561.1. The evidence here, so far as it goes, is in favour of local prohibition. On the other hand there are a number of licensed cities with lower figures, and two of those on the list - Chelsea and Salem - are very high up. State prohibition does not make such a good showing. Portland is one of the most drunken places in America - a fact confirmed by many observers - and Wichita in Kansas is above the mean. Kansas City is better. This place is peculiarly situated, being continuous with Kansas City in Missouri; the boundary between the two states passes through the town. Consequently the inhabitants have only to go into the Missouri half to obtain drink. Cambridge is very similarly situated in relation to Boston. Charleston, which is above the mean for the group, was under the state dispensary system. In sum, these police figures furnish some argument for prohibition and some against; but they clearly demonstrate the limits of compulsion. Altogether the statistical evidence from the United States, whether of consumption, expenditure or drunkenness, offers no inducement to the United Kingdom to adopt any of the American methods of control in place of its own system.

Norway and Sweden. - Police statistics for some of the principal towns in Norway and Sweden, which are the seats of the company system or disinterested management applied to spirit bars, are frequently quoted and we will therefore give them here. When all allowances have been made they show that drunkenness is very prevalent in these seaport towns, and that it fluctuates as in England but exhibits no general tendency to improvement.

1865		46	1886	.	31
1866		30		.	32
1867		29			31
1868		26		.	34
1869	. .	28			40
1870	.	26	111111888888999888049871		44
1871	.	28	1892		42
	1872	28	1893		38
	18 73	32			34
	18 74	38	1895		31
	1875	42	1896	.	35
1876		39	1897		44
	1877	40	1898		54
	1878	32	1899	.	54
	1879	31	1900		51
	1880	31	1901		42
	1881	32	1902		45
	1882	29	1903		47
1883	.	30	1904	.	45
1 1885 5	29	29	1905		52

Convictions per moo in Gothenburg. The principal feature of this table is the much hig